The White House (via OMB) strongly protests Congressional efforts within the FY 2027 NDAA to prohibit the purchase of warships from foreign shipyards. The Administration argues that these restrictions undermine national security by limiting flexibility and hindering its strategy of leveraging allied yards, such as in the 'Finland model,' to drive investment into U.S. shipbuilding capacity. This signals a significant policy shift toward integrating international partners into advanced naval construction, suggesting the Pentagon is prepared to bypass traditional domestic build requirements for future combat vessels.
Iran’s Trolling Caught the U.S. Off Guard. Here’s How to Push Back.
English Summary
Iran has developed an effective information campaign using culturally savvy memes, AI-generated videos, and sarcastic social media posts that exploit weaknesses in traditional U.S. counter-messaging approaches. Official Iranian accounts generated massive engagement (900 million views in 50 days), particularly through Lego-style AI videos depicting Iranian military victories and U.S. humiliation, demonstrating that entertainment-focused content is harder to counter than traditional deceptive propaganda since one cannot fact-check a joke. To respond, the U.S. should build real-time threat intelligence from AI labs, disrupt covert networks while accepting open messaging, leverage information about Iranian repression, and renew public service media to rebuild soft power—while avoiding the reputational costs of covert influence operations.
中文摘要
伊朗開發出了一種有效的資訊戰役，利用具有文化洞察力的迷因（memes）、AI生成影片，以及帶有諷刺意味的社群媒體貼文，來發掘傳統美國反制訊息策略的弱點。官方伊朗帳號透過這些內容產生了巨大的參與度（50天內達到9億觀看次數），特別是透過描繪伊朗軍事勝利和美國屈辱的Lego風格AI影片。這證明了以娛樂為導向的內容，比傳統的虛假宣傳更難應對，因為人們無法對一個笑話進行事實查核。為應對此趨勢，美國應從AI實驗室建立即時威脅情報，在接受公開訊息傳遞的同時，擾亂秘密網絡；利用有關伊朗壓迫的資訊；並重振公共服務媒體以重建軟實力——同時必須避免秘密影響行動所帶來的聲譽成本。
Related Entries
-
1.
-
2.
The Western Pacific remains a highly active theater defined by sustained U.S.-led military exercises and escalating great power competition. Key evidence includes continuous joint operations, such as RIMPAC 2026 in Hawaii and the deployment of CSGs into the South China Sea, juxtaposed with increased naval activity from both China (PLAN task groups) and Russia near Japan's critical straits. These movements underscore a strategic push by non-allied powers to assert presence and challenge regional norms. Policy implications dictate that allied nations must maintain robust multilateral cooperation and interoperability to safeguard freedom of navigation and manage escalating tensions in the Indo-Pacific.
-
3.
The article argues that the post-Cold War era of U.S. unipolarity, established by the perceived invincibility demonstrated during the Gulf War, has ended. This decline is driven by globalization and technological diffusion, which have democratized advanced military capabilities, allowing regional actors to challenge major powers. Consequently, policymakers must prepare for a more volatile international order marked by frequent crises, heightened costs for securing global trade chokepoints, and reduced predictability from American power. The new rules dictate that great powers can no longer effortlessly impose their will through force.
-
4.
The article argues that current market borrowing costs are rising independently of the Federal Reserve's policy stance, challenging the assumption that the Fed controls all rates. Evidence shows significant increases in key rates—such as 2-year Treasuries and mortgages—even while the effective federal funds rate remains steady. This divergence occurs because market rates reflect complex factors like inflation expectations, credit risk, and geopolitical volatility, which are outside the central bank's direct control. Policymakers should therefore recognize that sustainable rate moderation requires credible disinflation and disciplined government budgets, rather than relying solely on Fed intervention.
-
5.
Despite recent trade setbacks, the U.S. retains fundamental structural economic leverage over China, particularly in high-tech sectors and intermediate goods. While Beijing can temporarily weaponize specific resources like rare earths, these chokepoints are vulnerable to diversification efforts by the West. The article argues that the most effective strategy is not unilateral action but coordinated multilateral pressure from U.S. allies across Asia and Europe. Washington must therefore coordinate its economic statecraft with partners to maximize damage to China’s export-dependent model.